Press Under Siege
Media in Danger conference, Beirut
10 - 11 December 2006
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| World Association of Newspapers | in partnership with the An-Nahar newspaper
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Newspapers throughout the Arab region face a number of obstacles, including repressive media laws, a lack of editorial independence and multiple commercial challenges. Journalists live under a constant threat of being physically harassed, attacked or even murdered.
The "Press Under Siege" conference held in Beirut on 10 - 11 December 2006 explored the efforts of Arab media to win their independence and freedom in an environment of continuing repression and harassment. This event was the latest in a series of WAN conferences entitled 'Media in Danger' held in regions where violence against the press has become endemic. Three others have taken place: in Bogota, Colombia; in the Basque region of Spain; and in Kyrgyzstan, covering the Central Asian Republics.
Sunday 10 December 2006
Opening Ceremony
More than 3,000 people attended the opening of the conference, which was dedicated to the memory of Mr Gebran Tueni, the WAN Board member and publisher of the An-Nahar newspaper who was killed by a car bomb on 12 December 2005.
"It has been a bloody year for journalists, the worst on record, and no more so than in Arab countries," said Timothy Balding, CEO of WAN, in his opening address. "At least 44 media workers have been assassinated in Iraq in 2006, for the most part executed in cold blood, out of a world total of well over 100 for the last twelve months, and others have been murdered in Sudan and in Yemen because of their profession.
"Their fate is close to the hearts of all of us here today in a country where the killing of journalists began anew last year, with the assassination of Samir Qassir and Gebran Tueni and the attempted murder of May Chidiac," he said. "These colleagues have paid a heavy tribute indeed to their love of liberty and freedom of expression. But our immense sadness must be transformed, is already being transformed, into defiance and determination to honour their memories by continuing the combat for freedom. Anything else would be a betrayal of the sacrifice they made in full knowledge of the risks to them."
Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Seniora, who spoke via video link from the Government House, praised Mr Tueni and his vision of a united Lebanon.
"The press, in our contemporary history, has been the biggest power in leading for freedom, not only in Lebanon, but in the Arab world," said Mr Seniora.
"The press is not only defending its own freedoms, but the biggest challenge is defending public freedoms, especially political freedom. The right to be in the opposition, the right to speak out," he said.
Other speakers included Mr Tueni's daughter Nayla, Deputy General Manager of the An-Nahar newspaper, and his father, Ghassan, the CEO of An-Nahar. International and Arab media personalities also spoke, including Abdel Rahman El Rached, General Manager of the Al-Arabiya News Channel, Thomas Friedman of the New York Times, and David Ignatius, Associate Editor and Columnist for the Washington Post.
Mr Friedman, who spoke via video, said he hoped the Tueni award would become the Pulitzer Prize of the Arab world.
"I stand in awe of Arab journalists working today," he said. "We know it is so much different where the big question is, if I use this word or that word, might it cost me my life, would it cost me my job, would it put me in jail?"
The ceremony included the presentation of the first Gebran Tueni Prize, which was awarded by a jury composed of representatives of WAN and the Tueni family to Ms Nadia Al-Saqqaf, Editor-in-chief of the Yemen Times, for her commitment to the values upheld by Mr Tueni: attachment to freedom of the press, courage, leadership, ambition, and high managerial and professional standards.
Roger Parkinson, Past President of WAN who presented the award, said: "The first woman ever to be appointed as an editor in Yemen, Ms al-Saqqaf has expressed the determination to defend the independent editorial policy set by her father and founder of the Yemen Times, Abdulaziz al-Saqqaf, and to make a priority of high professional standards and skills."
"Despite a difficult media environment, Ms al-Saqqaf intends to make a difference by bringing to the readers of the Yemen Times accurate and meaningful information that they can trust. In this regard, her ambitions to raise journalistic skills within the newsroom, to improve the position of female journalists and to support independent news media in Yemen are most commendable," he added.
Gebran Tueni was a unique figure in WAN affairs for almost 20 years, as a leading member of its Press Freedom Committee, a Board member for more than a decade, a regular participant in missions to press freedom "hot spots" and a constant advisor and support to the leadership of the organization on Arab and press freedom issues. WAN and the Tueni family created the award to encourage other courageous and independent publishers, editors and newspapers in the Arab world.
Session I: A Deadly Profession - Journalists in Danger
The session dealt with the physical risks taken by Arab journalists when carrying out their daily work, and discussed ways of setting up mechanisms of protection.
Speakers:
Jamal Amer, Editor-in-chief, Al Wasat, Yemen
Ali Hamadé, Senior Editorialist, An-Nahar, Lebanon
Alia Talib, Media Specialist, Iraq
Abdlerahim K. Abdallah, Journalism Unit Director, Media Institute/Birzeit University, Palestine
Salaheddine El Hafez, Vice Editor-in-Chief, Al Ahram, Egypt
Moderator:
Rodney Pinder, Director, International News Safety Institute, Belgium
Speakers in this session provided a litany of press freedom abuses, testifying to the daily horrors that journalists in the region face on a daily basis. Facts of life: murder, prison, attacks, censorship and more. It takes full commitment to work as a journalist in this environment.
"Far too many journalists have been killed around the world by those who want silence -- assassins, corrupt politicians, terrorists, drug lords, military, bent police, the dark side of society, those who seek to hear their own words or nothing at all," said Mr Pinder.
"We are in the midst of an extremely difficult and dangerous period for our colleagues," he said. "Without freedom of expression, there is no democracy, and without journalists being able to act without fear, there is no freedom of expression."
Salaheddine El Hafez, Vice Editor-in-Chief, Al Ahram, Egypt
Salaheddine El Hafez, who is Secretary General of the Arab Journalists Association, provided an overview of the problems encountered by the Arab press.
"I am not exaggerating when I say the Arab press is witnessing one of the worst periods of its life -- political upheavals, changes, coups d'etat and revolutions," he said. "The Arab press has suffered a great deal. The soul of this press is at risk -- and what I mean by "soul" is freedom and liberty. The margins of freedom for the Arab press is severely limited and we have evidence of that in our daily lives.
Mr El Hafez said that, during the 1990s, Algeria was the "bloodiest battlefield" for journalists. "Many were killed or forced to leave," he said.
Today, the killing fields have moved to Iraq, where 175 journalists and other media workers have been killed in the last three years, according to the Arab Journalists Association -- equal to the number of journalists killed during World War II.
Journalists have also been killed in Lebanon, Libya, Sudan and Egypt, he said. "And we are only talking about assassinations and killings -- a frightening figure and frightening cases because this is an obstacle to our profession and to human rights in general.
Killing is the ultimate form of censorship, but not the only one. An Arab Journalists Association survey of legislation in 17 Arab countries has revealed that all constrain freedom of speech. "It shows freedom of speech is quite limited in the Arab world, " he said.
During the week of the conference, for example, four editors-in-chief in Egypt were on trial, and some are certain to be imprisoned. "The problem is, we believe that a change of government might lead to a change in legislation. Unfortunately, when we study legislation, we find that the philosophy of oppression has been prevailing since the 18th century. "
Mr El Hafez cited six major hurdles hindering the Arab press and democratic reform:
1. Political obstacles due to the political regimes in many Arab countries.
2. Legislative or legal obstacles limiting freedom of speech and the press, including criminal, rather than civil, defamation laws that can lead to prison sentences.
3. Economic obstacles. "The press needs money and governments and monopolies are the only ones capable of providing financial backing in many countries."
4. Social obstacles, such as sectarianism, illiteracy and poverty, that assert pressure on the press and limit freedom of speech. "The best example is Egypt, where there are many daily and weekly newspapers, but they have only two million readers in a society with 75 to 76 million people, " said Mr El Hafez.
5. Professional obstacles such as lack of training. "The senior managers are not well trained. The performance of many journalists can also leave a lot to be desired."
6. External, or foreign obstacles imposed by globalisation and technological development.
Mr El Hafez said the danger is that these obstacles will continue to prevent Arab journalists from carrying out their professions. He suggested establishing standards of free press in the Arab world -- freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of access, transparency, honesty, objectivity etc.
"These are international standards. In the West, this might be considered stating the obvious, but in our societies we have to remind people over and over again in the face of oppressive regimes."
Ali Hamadé, Senior Editorialist, An-Nahar, Lebanon
What the press and journalists have suffered in Lebanon is the history of the country and its citizens -- it cannot be treated separately, said Mr Hamadé. "Talking about freedom for the press is talking about the rights of citizens at all levels," he said.
Tyranny, injustice, occupation, dictators, restrictions, lawsuits, murders, maiming, newspaper offices invaded, civil war -- the Lebanese press has seen it all. Fifty years ago, in 1958, the killing of Nassib Matni, owner of At Talagraph, sparked one civil conflict. In the 1960s, agents of Lebanese intelligence targeted and killed journalists. During the civil wars, which lasted more than 17 years, many journalists had to leave Lebanon, while others were murdered.
"Today, when we talk about (assassinated journalists) Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir, we cannot forget this history," said Mr Hamadé. "Gebran Tueni knew the war that our newspaper was going through. He was challenging the state, government, intelligence, for the freedom of his country."
Mr Hamadé had this to say about the Lebanese press:
1. The battle of the press is not a battle of one professional sector isolated from the main battles of the country -- the problems of the country are causing the problems in the media profession.
2. The difficulties facing the Lebanese press take on many forms. For example, economic difficulties, as when advertising was prohibited in the 1970s.
3. Death threats -- both those that are carried out and those that are not, but still have an impact on reporting. "We still have many in the Lebanese press who don't fear anything," said Mr Hamadé. "They remember the values of the press -- transparency, the search for truth, autonomy."
4. There are no free newspapers, only free journalists. Newspapers are free because of the values carried by their journalists.
5. Despite all the attacks, the Lebanese press "is still strong against the powers that want it to go backwards."
Alia Talib, Media Specialist, Iraq
Being a journalist in Iraq is dangerous. Being a woman journalist is even worse.
If a woman fails to wear a veil, she might be killed. If she is kidnapped, and released, she risks being killed by her own family for bringing dishonour to them, said Ms Talib.
Women journalists are paid less than men and they do not receive maternity leave or any other benefits.
For journalists in general -- men and women alike -- journalism is a deadly profession in Iraq. "I can tell you that a journalist who works is the main media is a target," said Ms Talib.
Local journalists are sent into this environment with insufficient training to assess the dangers, said Ms Talib.
"In general, there is no immunity, no protection for women or men. They do not receive protection. In Iraq, there is no compensation if you are injured."
Journalists, in short, are "disposable."
The solution? "Financially independent newspapers where journalists will work without favour. But they are weak because they don't have enough money."
Abdlerahim K. Abdallah, Journalism Unit Director, Media Institute/Birzeit University, Palestine
Israel says it believes in a free press, but the situation changes when it comes to Palestinian media, said Mr Abdallah.
He said the situation for Palestinian journalists improved after the Oslo agreements, but deteriorated after the intifada. Palestinian journalists are targeted in three ways:
1. Simply for being a journalist. A dozen have been killed in recent years simply for being journalists, and Palestinian radio and TV headquarters have been bombed, he said.
2. Israeli authorities frequently refuse to recognise that a Palestinian has the right to be a journalist.
3. Palestinian journalists are targeted specifically because they write something that displeases the Israeli authorities.
"The greatest problem, however, is no freedom of movement," said Mr Abdallah. "I live near Nablus, we are surrounded by a wall. The gate opens from 6 am to 8 am and you have to work during those two hours. It is difficult to move from one area to another. The presence of Israeli forces is a major problem because they don't recognise your press card."
But Israeli occupation isn't the only problem. "There is another problem -- the lack of security and the chaos that violate the right to publish and the right to exercise the profession of journalism," said Mr Abdallah. "Arrests and detention are among the main dangers -- dozens are arrested every day. "
Jamal Amer, Editor-in-chief, Al Wasat, Yemen
"Arab rulers, regardless of their differences, agree on one thing, and that is the way they regard the Arab press -- all of them consider it their sworn enemy," said Mr Amer.
In Yemen, journalists have a lot of freedom to practice their profession, "but there are other means of oppression -- there is no legal framework. We have a dozen legal loopholes that are traps for journalists" he said.
For example, the press cannot criticise the president or other public figures, and "elastic" laws can lead to prison sentences of up to one year.
There are other means of oppression as well -- physical aggression, false accusations of being foreign agents or traitors, or of consuming alcohol or drugs, and even kidnappings. And the state is not the only oppressor tribal leaders can send people to attack journalists without fear or prosecution, he said.
Mr Amer was abducted from his own home on 23 August 2005 following an article in which his newspaper revealed that relatives of the president received scholarships that were meant for other students.
Mr Amer was threatened and forced to "confess" that he was a US agent and was told never to write critically about the government. The threats included the threat of sexually abusing his children, he said.
"The hope is very dim for practicing journalism without danger as long as we have laws restricting freedom of the press," he said. "We must change the laws and promote the press. We must work with international organisations that promote freedom.
"We should have conferences that highlight violations of the press and issue recommendations, and we should call on the United Nations to play a role in implementing Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We must consider that attacking journalists is an international cause, regardless of the nationality of the journalist. We should let everyone know what is going on."
Monday 11 December 2006
Session II: Censorship and Self-censorship
The panel discussed how censorship and self-censorship stifle a free press in the Arab world, and what means there are to combat this practice.
Speakers:
Ahmed Benchemsi, Publisher and Managing Editor, Tel Quel, Morocco
Ali Abduleman, Editor, Bahrain Online, Bahrain
Naziha Rjiba, Editor-in-chief, Kalima online newspaper, Tunisia
Moderator:
David Ignatius, Associate Editor and Columnist for the Washington Post, USA
David Ignatius referred to typewriter-like editors who write what the authorities or secret services instruct them to.
There is a red line between what can and cannot be written. Yet, this red line can be blurred and tends to be so nowadays. Crossing it can have severe consequences.
In the USA today, there is no censorship, but self-censorship is a reality. Journalists will avoid writing the hard stories. Why was the U.S. press not more aggressive toward the Bush administration? This question is yet to be addressed by the profession.
David Ignatius condemned any form of censorship, as it is the extended arm of any group that thinks it holds the truth.
Ahmed Benchemsi, Publisher and Managing Editor, Tel Quel, Morocco
Ahmed Benchemsi stated that Morocco enjoys the broadest press freedom in the Arab world. Today journalists can report on the King, the question of Western Sahara, sexuality, and religion. Thus, breaches to press freedom can seem minor compared to other countries in the region.
Under Hassan II (who died in July 1999), censorship was total and infringements to journalists' rights were severe. Thus journalists applied self-censorship. One could not write about the King without systematically referring to "His Majesty, the King." Though AB pointed at that one of the "advantages" of dictatorships is that everything is clear.
The death of Hassan II enabled changes, yet minds were rigid after 40 years of dictatorship. An independent press started and took the position held by other media. The changes came progressively by "testing" what could be written on topics that were until then considered taboo. In Morocco, the scope of freedom of expression was broadened step by step.
Writing about the dark years ("années de plomb"), the King and social taboos became possible. However, Ahmed Benchemsi admitted to applying self-censorship on the following topics: the private life of members of the Royal family, pornography and atheism. He considers that what is not reported on is marginal compared to what is.
Ahmed Benchemsi spoke about trials for defamation cases. Whereas journalists are not sentenced to prison, fines given by the courts are sometimes higher than those prescribed by the law.
Ahmed Benchemsi talked about "advertising boycotts," i.e. companies owned by the Royal family do not have advertisements placed in independent newspapers. Advertising agencies select media on the basis of their editorial policy (in order to prevent that a given company be associated with a newspaper openly critical of the system).
Readers also can be suspicious toward independent newspapers, assuming that they have a hidden deal with the authorities.
Ahmed Benchemsi again stressed that press freedom is gained centimeter by centimeter.
About the cartoons of the Prophet, Ahmed Benchemsi said that the context cannot be ignored, adding that he did not publish them, as he feared the reaction of the street, more so than that of the State.
Naziha Rjiba, Editor-in-Chief, Kalima online newspaper, Tunisia
Journalists in Tunisia are subjected to censorship. The publication of a sarcastic article can lead to the closure of a newspaper. The State has silenced all opposing voices, leaving only supporting and obedient newspapers. The Internet has become an alternative and what cannot be published in the papers can be on the Internet. However, cases of imprisonment for writings on the Internet occur as "cyber policing" is highly effective in Tunisia. Naziha Rjiba added that this knowledge (cyber policing) is even being offered to other dictatorships.
Opposition newspapers are often accused to act against the interests of Tunisia and to damage its image (notably in terms of tourism).
Journalists are jailed without any ground, in the absence of real charges. Naziha Rjiba faced erroneous charges and a fake pornographic video involving her husband was even fabricated to harm her/them.
"Self-censorship is the illegitimate daughter of censorship," she said. It is applied in fear of the reaction to the writings.
In Tunisia, the opposition considers itself as sacred. It can be difficult to report critically about the opposition as it is in turn presented as writing against those who fight the dictatorship.
Naziha Rjiba applied self-censorship in the case of the cartoons of the Prophet.
On the issue of religious fundamentalism, Naziha Rjiba said that when she is not criticizing fundamentalists, she is accused of having a deal with them.
Naziha Rjiba wondered why fundamentalists attack the Bush administration but fail to criticize the ruling regime in Tunisia.
Naziha Rjiba thinks that as long as the current regime retains power, there is no hope, because it is corrupt, incompetent and acts as it holds the monopoly of truth.
David Ignatius asked Naziha Rjiba which censorship she fears more (that of the authoritarian regime or that of religious fundamentalism). Naziha Rjiba replied that the censorship imposed by the authorities is more real than that of Islamists. She criticized the policy of making people fear that Islamists will come to power.
Ali Abduleman, Editor, Bahrain Online, Bahrain
From 1975 to 1994, Bahrain was a police state and the country was literally run by the Ministry of Interior. In that period, 25 000 persons were jailed.
Ali Abduleman presented Bahrain Online as a vibrant news platform (100 000 hits a day). Initially its founders and writers were anonymous, but eventually they decided to disclose their names.
In 2002, a decree that restricts press freedom (by increasing fines and prescribing prison sentences) was adopted. Bahrain Online was closed down by the authorities in 2002 and repeatedly until 2005 (under different links).
In 2005, Ali Abduleman was taken to the police station for questions (In the course of looking for him, the police had already taken his sister to the station). AA was interrogated by an Egyptian investigator who challenged his loyalty for Bahrain and asked whether the website received foreign funding. Eventually the Ministry of Information pressed charges against Ali Abduleman. He spent 15 days in prison where he refused to sign a deal to close the website or to pay 3,000 USD to be released.
Ali Abduleman mentioned that the Press Law was recently sent back to the Parliament for further review by the competent board.
Debate:
Naziha Rjiba stated that journalists should not ask for the rights, they should practice their rights. She added that indeed consequences can be grave, but that thinking of Gebran Tueni was an inspiration.
A conference participant referred to forms of invisible censorship that operate through economic strangling and public defamation.
Ahmed Benchemsi specified that the total circulation of newspapers in Morocco reaches 300 000 to 350 000 copies a day. This limited circulation explains why the State does not intervene much. Oppression is limited because readership is limited. Broadcast media are under a much greater control by the authorities and are under their influence. AB stated that the progress in the field of press freedom ought to be recognized and that the struggle should now be directed where it is really needed.
Omar Belhouchet, Editor-in-chief, El Watan, Algeria, warned against the risk of downplaying the danger of the Islamist platform, stressing that Islamists in Algeria claimed responsibility in the murder of almost 70 journalists. He suggested that a conference dedicated to media, the State and Islamists be held.
Session III: Controlling Media Through Legislation
The discussion focused on legal mechanisms aimed at controlling Arab newspapers and how these could be removed, to allow for an independent press to prosper.
Speakers:
Ali Amar, Co-founder and Publisher, Journal Hebdomadaire, Morocco
Ziyad Baroud, Lawyer & Lecturer at St. Joseph University, Lebanon
Ibrahim Issa, Editor-in-chief, Al-Dustour, Egypt
Moderator:
Kamel Labidi, Media Expert, Tunisia
Ibrahim Issa, Editor-in-Chief, Al-Dustour, Egypt
The overall situation of press freedom is deteriorating in Egypt.
The real danger comes from legislation. There is a jungle of laws in Egypt. Hundreds of laws have not been abrogated and several include provisions that restrict freedom of the press (notably on the distribution of foreign press). Retaining those laws enables the imprisonment of journalists. Moreover, the Parliament adopts new laws that serve the authorities.
There is no direct censorship in Egypt, but there are restrictions on publishing. The right to publish newspapers is denied to individuals and only companies can establish newspapers (after obtaining the consent of the State and secret services). Control over the media is presented as a security matter.
Journalists struggled to obtain the decriminalization of libel. Yet 25 legal articles still foresee the imprisonment of journalists for this offence.
Ibrahim Issa published an article titled "Surprise, President Moubarak is a human being" that dealt with a court case launched by a citizen inquiring about public funds used by the President. Lawyers close to Moubarak pressed charged against Ibrahim Issa on the grounds that the article caused harm, uneasiness and fear among the population.
Daily newspapers owned by the State act as the tanks of the regime in place and real tanks guard the Egyptian State television.
Ali Amar, Co-founder and Publisher, Journal Hebdomadaire, Morocco
In the field of media, Morocco has an oppressive legal arsenal and judiciary.
A new Press Code was adopted in 2002. However, next to general principles lie taboos, fines and imprisonment sentences for journalists.
Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF) listed Morocco as the country in the Arab world that has the highest level of freedom of expression and press freedom.
Negative aspects of the new press code:
- Out of 80 articles of the new press code, 40 consist of sanctions
- Financial sanctions (repression tools more than compensation means)
- Other legal texts beside the press code are applied (such as the criminal code and the law against terrorism adopted in 2003)
- The issue of nationality is used as a mean of censorship and limits the scope of development of press freedom
Specific articles of the press code that are of concern:
Article 1: Citizens have a right to information (...) unless the information is of confidential nature.
Article 42 foresees sanctions in case the public order is disrupted or the population is frightened
Several ministers are under the direct authority of the King (as opposed to that of the Prime Minister) and sanctions in cases that involve them are even more arbitrary and harsh.
Article 44 foresees harsh sanctions if the offence is committed against the King or the Royal family, or if it relates to Islam.
Article 77 enables the Interior Minister to order the seizure of any publication that disrupts public order.
The Kingdom (in its executive capacity and its costs), the army, Islam (the issue of faith is highly sensitive in Morocco) and the issue of Western Sahara are still taboo.
The law on surveys prohibits surveys on the above-mentioned subjects.
Other matters are problematic, such as the obedience of the judiciary, the absence of a law on free access to information, advertising, and the control over the distribution of newspapers.
The Journal Hebdomadaire was seized four times, prohibited once, fined for a total of 400,000 EUR, and suspended prison sentences were rendered.
Ziyad Baroud, Lawyer & Lecturer at St. Joseph University, Lebanon
Journalists are no longer prosecuted for what they write, but because of the interpretation made of their motivations to write a given article.
The press is indeed under siege in Lebanon, because of the legislation, even though freedom of expression and freedom of the media are protected by the Constitution. Articles in different laws restrict those freedoms, thus breaching constitutionally protected rights.
Information pertaining to national defense and private affairs is banned, whereas access to information of public interest is limited (despite its role in enabling a greater accountability of public authorities and allowing a greater public participation).
Press freedom must be acknowledged and respected as a fundamental freedom, and not be perceived any longer as a tool to attack particular political factions.
Debate:
Ibrahim Issa emphasized that the current situation is the result of decades of oppression and that the situation is similar throughout the Arab world.
The oppression and corruption practiced by the regime in place explain the support gained by the Muslim brotherhood (whose electoral support was not accurately reflected during the last elections, as their results were forged).
A participant from Yemen stressed that there cannot be any discussion about Islam, national unity or the Head of State.
A participant from Egypt agreed with Ibrahim Issa that the ruling regime was more detrimental to the country than the Muslim brothers. Prosecutors endorse the agenda of ruling parties and the overall judiciary and rule of law is poor.
A participant from Iraq stated that editors in chief sometimes chose censorship to protect the life of their staff and their families.
Ali Amar specified that the journalists subjected to pressure by the monarchy do not share the agenda of the fundamentalists.
The moderator, Kamel Labidi, Media Expert, Tunisia, concluded that the impunity over the killing of journalists has to end. That would be the key to stop violations of press freedom in the Arab world.
Session IV: Achieving Economic Independence and Financial Viability
The session looked at publications in the region that have implemented successful strategies to become financially independent
Speakers:
Omar Belhouchet, Editor-in-chief, El Watan, Algeria
Hisham Kassem, Publisher, Al Masry Al Youm, Egypt
Talal Selman, Publisher, As-Safir, Lebanon
Moderator:
Natasa Vuckovic Lesendric, General Manager, APM Print&Trans Press, Serbia
Omar Belhouchet, Editor-in-chief, El Watan, Algeria
Omar Belhouchet was victim of an attack in 1993, but he decided to stay in Algeria. Between 1992 and today, Mr Belhouchet has faced more than 100 court proceedings.
Mr Belhouchet asked how to act in front of the Arab regimes' fight against press freedom.
He stressed that the Islamist factor in Algeria was real and that fundamentalists claimed responsibility in the assassination of about 70 journalists. Between 1992 and 1995, 400 journalists left the country (the majority of them found refuge in France). Islamist groups targeted any intellectuals, regardless of their affiliation. In this context, the authorities made hotel rooms available to journalists for their safety.
The Constitution adopted in 1989 introduced political and media pluralism. Yet in 1992, the State again took control over advertising and distribution. Later, the demand by the IMF that Algeria adopt a policy of liberalization led to the launch of private enterprises, notably in the field of advertising. A cooperative of newspapers was set up, followed by a distribution network. However, until 2002, there was no private printing plant, which enabled the authorities to stop the publication of any newspaper upon a simple phone call. Between 1993 and 2000, the printing of El Watan was suspended seven times, which made the necessity of setting up a private printing plant even more imperative.
Mr Belhouchet underlined the importance of international solidarity. According to him, it has played an essential role, as the Algerian authorities are highly sensitive to international attention and criticism. Another essential factor is the role played by the journalists themselves in building up press freedom. Mr Belhouchet also invited media professionals from the Arab world to federate. He concluded by saying that there is no contradiction between Islam and press freedom, no contradiction between Islam and democracy.
Hisham Kassem, Publisher, Al Masry Al Youm, Egypt
Hisham Kassem left Al Masry as he considered its managing board incompetent. Mr Kassem insisted on the importance of modernising the management of newspapers in Egypt and to ensure transparency of capital and revenues (in order to prevent corruption and undue influence of political parties). Many newspapers have been established, but their ownership structure remains unclear or unknown.
Talal Selman, Publisher, As-Safir, Lebanon
The Lebanese press needs to regain the position it lost in the Arab world. It is facing hardship, as readership and revenues decrease and costs increase. The independent press tries to maintain its independence and avoid political affiliation. The Lebanese press is truly under siege from a political, economic and sectarian point of view. Many Lebanese journalists are at the core of several newspapers abroad, but such pioneers now lack in Lebanon. There is a lack of investment in the newspaper industry in Lebanon (capital is directed to satellite television channels).
Debate:
A conference participant asked Omar Belhouchet why the Algerian independent press was silent with regard to the murder of two journalists who were close to the Islamists. Mr Belhouchet replied that this was not true for El Watan, adding that it published a report by Amnesty International on those cases.
Ahmed Benchemsi mentioned the establishment in Morocco of an Audit Bureau of Circulations in order to control the accuracy of figures given by publishers (notably to advertising agencies). Figures are checked and certified by the Bureau.
Omar Belhouchet stressed that during the years of war in Algeria, journalists found themselves between the military and the fundamentalists. The press was a press of resistance. As the situation has settled, it is important to go back to a more analytical approach, to inform completely and thoroughly.
Closing Remarks:
Said Essoulami, Director, Center for Media Freedom, London
The situation of the media in the Arab world is not that bleak. In the 1980's, journalists were working as civil servants. There was no discussion about amending press laws or about newspapers' management. Nowadays, issues are being debated. The private press is leading those changes, even though partisan press still dominates.
The legislative framework is crucial and so is the economic dimension of newspapers (without economic sustainability, there is no independent press).
Legislative framework
- The first right is the right to publish. In some countries, this right is restricted due to high registration fees. In other countries, such as Tunisia and Syria, the right to publish is basically denied.
- Certain legislation limits who can be a journalist or an editor (in Syria, it is controlled by the secret services, whereas in Jordan, one has to belong to a press union).
- Freedom of Information: No Arab country has a law on free access to information. This notably results in a press that is more about opinion than information.
- No legal protection of sources.
- Criminalization of freedom of expression through press laws and the penal code. The possibility of making defamation a matter for civil law exclusively is being debated throughout the region. Prison sentences must be abolished and replaced by fines (even though there is a risk that fines would be set extremely high, thus putting the whole enterprise in financial jeopardy).
- Assassination of journalists: the question of safety of journalists in conflict zones is very important. A draft UN Resolution on this matter has just been put forward to the Security Council. Moreover, journalists have to be properly trained before going to report in a conflict zone.
- An end must be put to the judicial harassment faced by journalists and editors.
Economic issues to be addressed include the printing and distribution problems encountered by newspapers and the absence of contracts for the majority of media workers. In his opinion, advertising agencies know the actual circulation of newspapers.
Timothy Balding, CEO, World Association of Newspapers, Paris
Timothy Balding praised the relevance of the speakers of the different panels whose contributions were highly valuable and shed light on the reality of press freedom in the Arab world.
Timothy Balding stressed the complexity of the problems facing the press in the Arab world (political, economic, social, cultural, etc.). He encouraged publishers and journalists to take part in international meetings (where they are underrepresented) to make their voices heard.